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Don’t Substitute Development Agenda for Northern Uganda With Executive Appointments!

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By Julius Peter Ochen

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“Campaign to win. Prepare to govern.” These are popular phrases among American political managers. While in Uganda, transition and continuation have often meant the same thing, a smooth and prompt start to a renewed term is crucial for a successful presidency. Each tenure brings unique political and policy possibilities shaped by the specific campaign and election outcomes.

President Museveni, however, has never been in the habit of revealing how he will govern or with whom, which inevitably breeds post-election positioning. Transition teams and individuals often align themselves with the administration to secure key government roles. For those seeking appointments, success usually depends on demonstrating loyalty, showcasing relevant experience, and articulating a clear value proposition for the role.

Recently, while addressing the Gulu City community, Hon. Minister Nobert Mao revisited two familiar terms: the “national cake” and the “political cake.” What caught attention was his clarification. He suggested that the national cake is already accounted for in the NRM 2026/2031 manifesto, with substantial provisions for Acholi sub-region.

The political cake, on the other hand, remains under President Museveni’s discretion—likely referring to ministerial and other top executive appointments—which he will allocate once he renews himself in office after May 12, 2026.

Interestingly, Mao’s remarks resonated with my own inquiry. Immediately after presidential and parliamentary results were declared, I undertook a self-commissioned public policy research exercise to understand not only people’s choice for the 12th Parliament but also their expectations from Museveni’s renewed term.

Northern Uganda, in particular, voted overwhelmingly in his favor: 93% in Omoro, 87% in Pader, 86% in Agago, 84% in Lamwo, 81% in Amuru, and 80% in Kitgum districts.

For the first time in Museveni’s political career, northern Uganda demonstrated exceptional support: 84% for Acholi sub-region, 83.9% for Lango, and 82% for West Nile. In Acholi, nearly all political actors campaigned for Museveni, emphasizing that the region should secure development initiatives before any future handover of power.

During the campaign, other presidential candidates barely registered at the polling stations across Omoro, Pader, Lamwo, Amuru, Agago, and Gulu, leaving Museveni as the dominant figure—ensuring his monumental win.

If President Museveni intends to reward northern Uganda for this support, the path is already outlined in the NRM manifesto. Key projects include the Puranga–Acholibur road, Atiak–Palabek–Kitgum road, Kitgum–Kidepo National Park road, Moroto road for Acholi, a 300-bed specialized teaching hospital at Gulu University, annual State House scholarships for 100 science students, and Shs60 billion to enhance coffee production in the region.

These initiatives resonate deeply with the people because political appointments primarily reward individuals. Any benefits from such appointments tend to serve the constituencies those appointees represent. Similar sentiments likely apply in Lango and West Nile, judging from the last election cycle and ministerial dispositions.

While a government with national representation inspires confidence, northern Uganda’s communities should focus on allocations that translate into tangible development—projects they can see, touch, and benefit from.

It is therefore critical that political appointments do not overshadow promised development plans, which were the basis of voters’ support and will remain the measure against which the administration is judged.

The writer is a Public Policy Pundit with Kampala Analytica

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